The 2016 Democratic primary/caucus season ended over a year ago but for much of
this
year, I've found myself writing articles here debunking the unhinged
ravings, ludicrous lies and delusional dipshittery of a small but
incredibly devout and vocal contingent of Clinton loyalists intent on
perpetually re-fighting that contest. Like any other personality cult,
these hardcore Clintonites typically haven't proven themselves to be particularly gifted when it comes to critical thinking skills; for the most part, their oeuvre is a significant but ultimately
limited collection of fables and fictions programmed into them last year
by the Clinton campaign and its surrogates and that
they all recite like robots with little innovation. The relative ease with which their talking-points can be debunked doesn't seem to have made a dent in the cult's dogged, usually quite passionate insistence on them. The open hostility with which the cultists greet facts that contradict their cherished myths is an extreme manifestation of a common human failing that, in contemporary American politics, finds its only other comparable expression among the fringe right. While polling suggests the cult is quite small,[1] a disproportionate number of cultists hold positions of power and influence, giving them a lofty perch from which they can sow discord and commit mischief.
This week, the Cult Queen herself will be feeding her followers (and as many bystanders as she can manage) a new book about the election entitled "What Happened." As internet quipsters have been quick to note, rarely does one see both a
question and its complete answer depicted on the cover of the book
itself. That this effectively removes any need to purchase the book probably doesn't bode well for its long-term sales potential but the Clinton cult, ever ravenous for new pronouncements from their Glorious Leader, will no doubt give it a boost upon its initial debut, and no doubt publicly crow about its great sales too (while they last). In an effort to stimulate interest, Clinton and her surrogates have been doling out advanced excerpts from the text in recent days and while America has undeniably suffered a serious wound via the election of Donald Trump, these snippets have only reinforced the extent to which America most definitely dodged a different but also deadly bullet when Clinton lost.
In one critical respect, there isn't really any difference between Clinton and Trump: both are driven by a particularly malignant narcissism. Both package lies and historical revisionism into aggrievement fantasies they pitch to their respective personality cults, cults made up of people who don't care about the truth anyway. As with Trump, Clinton, by Clinton's narrative, is
always the victim and is never really responsible for
anything.[2] These characteristics--perpetuating a heavily fictionalized narrative of victimhood while
dodging any real responsibility--have, in fact, been her preeminent and
defining ones throughout her time in the national spotlight.
Like her husband before her, she's been subjected to various attacks
over the years that were genuinely unfair, misleading, nonsensical and
though this writer doesn't like either of them, I've spilled a lot of
ink defending both on those occasions when it was merited, but as public servants, they are, to put it as charitably as possible,
extremely flawed and I'll stand for no nonsense from Hillary's creepy cult of Kool-Aid guzzlers who, at her persistent behest, insist on treating every criticism of her as the equivalent of "Obama was born in Kenya." When Clinton first
reemerged into the public spotlight earlier this year, she was
absolutely brimming with people to blame for her latest loss. She'd offer some perfunctory comment about how she took responsibility for her actions then launch into her real litany: it was James
Comey, it was sexists, it was the Russian conspiracy, it was the Democratic National Committee, an entity that, in reality, violated its own chartered neutrality at every turn in order to stack the primary season in Clinton's favor. It was absolutely
anyone but Hillary Clinton.[3] Her close associates
adopted the same approach, as has the cult, resulting in a stream of articles here in response. At the end of May, Clinton granted a long interview at Recode and was asked what mistakes she made during the campaign. In perhaps the defining moment of her political career, she hemmed, hawed and
was ultimately unable to come up with anything. That's Clinton, a narcissistic elitist who takes no real responsibility for anything and thought she was entitled to the presidency.
That's the Clinton on display in the recent advance excerpts from her upcoming book and even in the way in which she's released that material. The first release was a fairly inconsequential snippet in which she complained about Donald Trump repeatedly invading her personal space during one of their debates and for this, she even released a recording of her reading the passage in question, but the next round of excerpts, which went public a few days ago, was devoted to attacking Bernie Sanders and adding he and others to the growing list of people Clinton has blamed for her loss. Clinton's underlings have never shown much hesitation about blaming Sanders and his supporters but she, herself, had largely avoided it and the public release of this material was classic Clinton; wanting it out there and to have people focused on it but not wanting to be responsible for people focusing on it, she delegated the explosive stuff to surrogates, who released it through social media, while she, herself, declined any public comment on it.
The excerpts themselves are a phantasmagoric reimagining of the 2016 campaign, recasting it into Clinton's favored mold, a self-serving lie made up of lies. This is how Clinton, in one of the excerpts, describes policy debates with Sanders:
"Jake Sullivan, my top policy advisor, told me it reminded him of a scene from the 1998 movie
There’s Something About Mary. A
deranged hitchhiker says he's come up with a brilliant plan. Instead of
the famous 'eight-minute abs' exercise routine, he's going to market
'seven-minute abs.' It’s the same, just quicker. Then the driver, played
by Ben Stiller, says, 'Well, why not six-minute abs?' That’s what it
was like in policy debates with Bernie. We would propose a bold
infrastructure investment plan or an ambitious new apprenticeship
program for young people, and then Bernie would announce basically the
same thing, but bigger. On issue after issue, it was like he kept
proposing four-minute abs, or even no-minute abs. Magic abs!"
In the real world, of course, Clinton, who sheds personae the way a snake does its skin, crafted an iteration of herself for the 2016 primary season as an attenuated version of Sanders. Throughout the period she bore that flesh,
she was the one who was aping Sanders' proposals, usually suggesting unserious, watered-down-to-nothing versions of
them then presenting hers as more realistic, his as pie-in-the-sky. This is Dick Morrisean triangulation tactics, wherein one throws one's own base under the bus in order to make it appear as if "both sides" are extreme and to position oneself as the sensible "center." Both Clinton and her husband have used these same tactics in every major political campaign in which they've participated. Even accounting for the squish factor that typically accompanies the unprincipled Clinton's endorsement of any given policy at any given time, Clinton's new Sanders-inspired proposals were often at direct odds with positions she'd previously expressed on the same issues.
--Bernie Sanders embraced the idea of free tuition at state colleges and universities at least as far back as
Oct. 2014. In March 2015, Sanders
announced his intention to introduce legislation to accomplish this, and in May 2015,
he did so..
Three months after that, in August, Clinton proposed a watered-down, awful bureaucratic nightmare of a "plan" with the same aim. A year after that, during the general election campaign, she introduced another
new one, still a pretty bad one but one that was
closer to the proposal Sanders had made from the beginning.
--Sanders has raged against the Supreme Court's ruling in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission since 2010, when it happened. In Jan. 2015, he
introduced a constitutional amendment to overturn it and went on to make overturning it a key theme of his campaign. Three months later, when she launched her campaign, Clinton
called to "get unaccountable
money" out of the political system, "even if that that takes a constitutional
amendment." Fairly vague. In his first major campaign event in May 2015, Sanders
reiterated his call for a constitutional amendment. At her first major campaign event in June 2015, Clinton
declared, "If necessary, I will support a constitutional amendment to undo the Supreme Court’s decision in Citizens United." This became a
more concrete proposal by Clinton in Oct. 2015. Meanwhile, Clinton displayed her sincerity in this by spending the entire campaign
exploiting the corrupt Wild West moneyfest established by the ruling to her own benefit.
--Sanders
had long opposed the Keystone XL pipeline. In 2010, Clinton said she was
"inclined to" support it. Sanders
used the issue against her on the campaign trail and in Sept. 2015, she
suddenly turned against it.
--Sanders
had always
opposed the Trans-Pacific Partnership. Clinton helped create it, called it the
“gold standard” of trade deals,
pimped it for years then, as Sanders
was criticizing her on it, cynically
came out against it only in October 2015.
--Clinton spent years supporting,
even promoting hydraulic fracking, still pushing it as late as 2014. With Bernie Sanders running against the practice on the campaign trail, Clinton flip-flopped, saying she opposed it "when any locality or any state is against it," supported it only in limited cases and
described putting in place a system that would virtually phase it out. This sentiment was offered at a Democratic debate on 6 March, 2016; on 9 March, the Clinton campaign participated in a $575-a-head fundraiser held by an investment firm heavily invested in fracking (Clinton
took a lot of money from fracking industries).
--During the 2008 presidential race, Clinton
had opposed raising the cap on earnings for Social Security and had repeatedly attacked then-candidate Barack Obama for proposing this. Sanders
has always supported raising the cap and favors
expanding the program. As usual, Clinton opted to
peddle a watered-down version of the latter, extending some minor benefits, and promised only to "protect" the program from Republicans. Sanders
criticized her and by April 2016, she'd half-heartedly
come around to supporting raising the cap.
--Sanders called for a $15/hour minimum wage from his first major presidential campaign event. "The minimum wage must become a living wage,"
he said in May, "which
means raising it to $15 an hour over the next few years." At her first major campaign rally--three weeks after that--Clinton
called for raising the minimum wage but didn't say how high. When, at the end of July, she finally suggested a number, it was yet again diminished Sanders: she
endorsed legislation to raise it to $12/hour. "Let's not just do it for the sake of having a higher number out there,”
she said, offering her usual triangulation tactic, "but let's get behind a proposal that actually has a chance
of succeeding." Then in November, she
began flat-out saying she supported $12, but out of the other side of her mouth, she
offered a friendly tweet to the Fight For 15 campaign, the goal of which was a
$15 minimum wage. Leaked Democratic emails
later revealed the cynical behind-the-scenes calculations that went into the tweet, Clinton trying to reap the political benefit of siding with Fight For 15 without actually endorsing its goal. That same cynical calculation underpinned Clinton's evolving statements on the matter; as she began to say $15 was simply too high in some places in the U.S. and would be economically harmful and to insist she supported localities raising their minimum wage above the $12 federal level she favored--a convenient view for a would-be president whose potential office would play no role in such local matters. In April 2016, she introduced a new position. At a Democratic debate, she was asked if she, as president, would sign a $15 minimum wage if congress passed it. "Well, of course I would,"
she insisted, and then offered a master-class in multi-mawed mendacity in which she suggested she'd
always supported $15. "That's what I will do as president, go as quickly as possible to get to 15... [I]f we have a Democratic congress, we will go to 15!" Later still, Clinton
fought Sanders' efforts to include the $15 minimum wage in the Democratic party platform and initially succeeded in beating it back. Sanders' representatives had to take the matter to the full platform committee, which--remarkably--
overrode Clinton, making $15 the official position of the party.
--Back
in 2008, Clinton
attacked then-candidate Barack Obama as soft
on crime because of his criticism of harsh mandatory minimum sentences
(which, up to then, she herself had either supported or opposed
depending entirely on which day she was asked). In 2015, when Sanders
argued for simply eliminating such sentences, Clinton
found religion on the issue and came out in favor of... reducing them.
--In the new excerpts, Clinton specifically writes of a "bold infrastructure investment plan" she introduced, "then Bernie would announce basically the
same thing, but bigger." The facts: Sanders
introduced his infrastructure investment plan, the "Rebuild America Act," in Jan. 2015, a few months before he officially entered the presidential race. The Act aimed to spend $1 trillion over 5 years on much-needed infrastructure improvements. It was over 10 months later, at the end of November, before Clinton finally got around to introducing her own infrastructure investment plan. And--stop me if you've heard this before--it
was another scaled-down take on Sanders' own, spending a laughably inadequate $275 billion over 5 years.
Examples of this are legion, significant examples of Sanders doing the opposite, as Clinton now describes, are non-existent. As the primary season unfolded, Clinton even started trying to copy Sanders' angry populist tone, a radical departure from her usual comportment that was
noted by multiple media outlets at the time. This was her primary-season persona: Sanders Reduced.
It's worth noting that how this translated in a political environment in which people want the Sanders policies was as a barrage of defeatist rhetoric feeding an uninspiring campaign of diminished expectations aimed at squashing the energizing hope-and-change candidate then arising and being carried out by a politician who, on the first day she entered the race, was already disliked by more of the public than liked her. This blended with the notion, well-cultivated by the Clinton camp, of Clinton's inevitability to drive down interest in the Democratic contest. Clinton couldn't draw a crowd--often had trouble filling high-school gymnasiums. "Over the last year, in at least a dozen states,"
reported NBC in May 2016, "Clinton has dedicated
hours and hours to events so small that members of the media often match
or outnumber the attendees." Ratings for the Democratic debates
were a joke compared to the Republicans (though that was partially engineered by the DNC in collaboration with the Clinton campaign). Turnout for Democratic primaries and caucuses was down. Facing an opponent who started the race as a virtual unknown and with the underhanded assistance of a Democratic National Committee intent on keeping him that way, Clinton mostly just skated to victory on name-recognition and Establishment connections, drawing the votes of older Democratic die-hards in mostly poorly-attended contests and the backing of the party good ol' boys club, the anti-democratic superdelegate contingent.
That, one suspects, won't be going into Clinton's book.
This, on the other hand,
is in it:
"Throughout the primaries, every time I wanted to hit back against
Bernie's attacks, I was told to restrain myself. Noting that his plans
didn't add up, that they would inevitably mean raising taxes on
middle-class families, or that they were little more than a pipe
dream--all of this could be used to reinforce his argument that I wasn't
a true progressive. My team kept reminding me that we didn’t want to
alienate Bernie's
supporters. President Obama urged me to grit my teeth and lay off Bernie
as much as I could. I felt like I was in a straitjacket."
Another instance of Clinton blaming others and refusing to own her own decisions--her underlings and President Obama put her in a straitjacket--and for anyone who actually lived through the 2016 campaign, the idea that Clinton ever showed
any restraint in her handling of Sanders is just ludicrous. The 2016 primaries never came close to the level of nastiness achieved by Clinton's 2008 campaign against Obama but she and her surrogates disregarded nearly every ethical consideration[4] in attacking Sanders. A few items:
--Sanders, the life-long feminist, faced a
constant barrage of accusations that he was actually a sexist and that his supporters were just
a bunch of sexists too, dubbed "Bernie Bros," in
a bit of garbage recycled from Clinton's 2008 campaign (when Obama supporters, charged with the same offense, were labeled "Obama Boys").
--Sanders the life-long champion of civil rights, was
race-baited, said to be only a candidate of white males who disregarded minorities. At perhaps the lowest point of the campaign, John L. Lewis, civil rights legend and Clinton surrogate,
suggested that Sanders hadn't really participated in the civil rights struggle at all and that the Clintons
had--both assertions entirely fictional (Lewis apparently had an attack of conscience and
quickly walked back these comments).[5]
--The Clintonites
red-baited Sanders, following the noxious lead of the likes of
Breitbart and
the New York Post.
--Clinton
falsely accused Sanders of supporting all manner of deplorable causes and legislation. When Sanders advocated a universal healthcare plan, Clinton
insisted Sanders wanted to repeal Medicare, Obamacare and other health policies and leave those negatively impacted by this with nothing so he could start over and try to pass his own plan, one over which she falsely insisted he would allow Republican governors a veto.
--Sanders' supporters were
falsely accused of carrying out
a violent, chair-throwing riot at the Nevada Democratic convention, a
lie spread throughout the press by the Clinton-supporting chief of the Democratic National Committee, who added, as her own touch, the false suggestion that Sanders hadn't condemned any and all violence.
--Clinton
mobilized a group of survivors and family members of victims of the horrific Sandy Hook school shooting and used them as props to attack Sanders for his record of opposing a few gun-control measures. Sanders had supported legislation that immunized legal gun-dealers from lawsuits over such shootings--shooting over which those dealers had absolutely no control. Clinton herself
went on television to demagogue this "issue," raving that "one of my biggest contrasts with Sen. Sanders is that he would place gun manufacturers rights and immunity from liability against the parents of the children killed at Sandy Hook is just unimaginable!" The sincerity of Clinton's passion on this issue can be gauged by recalling that she ran as an anti-gun-control candidate in 2008 and
attacked Barack Obama for his support of gun-control policies.
--The Clinton camp fed
oppo research personally attacking Sanders to sympathetic press outlets,
which then published the material under the premise that if Sanders were to win the nomination, this is what Republicans would use against him.
--At one point, the Clinton camp launched a campaign aimed at presenting Sanders as unqualified to be president, then when Sanders responded, the Clinton camp and its sympathetic press outlets
came down on him like a ton of bricks, claiming
Sanders had called
Clinton unqualified.
--While Sanders ran an issues campaign free of sleaze, part of the Clinton camp's attack on him was to propagate the laughable fiction that Sanders was running a very negative campaign against Clinton. In January, Clinton
dispatched aide Joel Benenson to assert that Sanders was "running the most negative campaign of any Democratic presidential candidate" in history! He offered a fantasy version of the Sanders campaign wallowing in personal attacks. "He's out on the campaign trail every day raising issues about her personally, her character." In March, Benenson
was at it again, claiming the Sanders campaign had "spent about $4 million on negative ads... This is a man who said he'd never run a negative ad, ever. He's running them. They're planning to run more... [H]e's running a very negative campaign against us." In reality, Sanders had run no negative ads
at all, and, in fact,
never ran one.[6] (Clinton also
vowed never to run negative ads, then she and her surrogates
ran anti-Sanders ads throughout the campaign). Among Clinton cultists, the image of Sanders running a very negative campaign against Clinton persists to this day.
--In the book excerpts, Clinton complains that "some of his [Sanders'] supporters, the so-called Bernie
Bros, took to harassing my supporters online. It got ugly and more than a
little sexist." Clintonites have turned that charge of "sexism" into a daily attack, thrown around as ubiquitously as some rightists use "socialist" and applied to anything and everything until it's just as meaningless (and, more importantly, just as much a hindrance of any serious discussion of actual sexism as the "socialist" nonsense is to talk of actual socialism).[7] That one's supporters are allegedly harassed online isn't a serious grievance--
anyone who has outspoken political views and participates in discussions of them on the internet gets the same treatment--but the reason this Clinton complaint is worthy of note is because there was only one campaign in 2016 that was actively fielding a massive army of internet trolls whose job was to harass supporters of the other candidate: Clinton's own. Super PACs can accept unlimited donations but are legally barred from coordinating with political candidates, which, in practice, is usually a big joke that's practically never properly enforced but
Correct The Record, David Brock's Clintonite troll operation,
boldly skirted campaign finance laws and openly collaborated with the candidate to attack her opponent's online supporters. Given Clinton's complaint, the CTR trolls probably aren't going to make it into her book either.
Clinton's current effort to consign her constant resort to this sort of slimy fuckery to the same Memory Hole as her triangulation-driven mimicry of Sanders is an example of the same ethical bankruptcy that led her to carry on in such a way in the first place. While Clinton was wallowing in this slime, Sanders ran a principled campaign based on issues. While Clinton wanted to be president for no other reason than simply a narcissist's desire to be president,[8] Sanders had the most ambitious agenda of any pol since the '60s. Sanders said right from the beginning that
he considered Clinton a friendly acquaintance and wasn't going to run a
negative
campaign of personal attacks against her. It's a policy he followed to
his own significant detriment (because if he'd actually gone after
Clinton, he would probably be president today). When he criticized
Clinton, he was pointing to legitimate disagreements he had with her.
Clinton insisted on treating one of those disagreements as merely some sort of personal attack, a theme to which she returns in these new excerpts. "Because we agreed on so much," she writes, "Bernie couldn’t make an argument
against me in this area on policy," this area being campaign finance, "so he had to resort to innuendo and
impugning my character... When I finally challenged Bernie during a debate to name
a single time I changed a position or a vote because of a financial
contribution, he couldn’t come up with anything."
The key theme of Sanders' entire campaign was the desperate need to reform the corrupt bribery-and-donor-service system that so completely dominates politics and government. A few years ago, Wall Street, a particularly generous financier of politicians, spectacularly crashed the U.S. economy, dragging America to the verge of ruin, and not only were none of the responsible parties ever prosecuted, the subsequent efforts at regulatory reform were watered down to uselessness. There's nothing in place today to prevent the malefactors from doing exactly the same thing again. That's a problem. And the even bigger problem is the power of Wall Street over the state that allows for that, and that's the kind of power, wielded by a vast plethora of entrenched interests far beyond just the financial sector, that Bernie Sanders was directly challenging.
Hillary Clinton's largest campaign contributor was Wall Street. Moreover, the Clintons have, for decades, been key figures in moving the Democratic party toward
embracing the bribery-and-donor-service system. Like Bill before her, Hillary's entire political
career had been spent aggressively raising money from oligarchs with
deep pockets and vested interests in government policy.
Sanders, by contrast, was funding his campaign with small donations from ordinary people, averaging $27. The reason he attracted such a large and enthusiastic following is because
he was passionately advocating a slate of issues that were very popular
but that weren't being properly represented in the allegedly democratic
political process. In January 2016, after months of various press
outlets insisting Sanders was selling a way-out-there assemblage of
radical ideas, Mitch Clark and I undertook what we intended to be as
comprehensive a survey as anyone had ever done of the polling data on
Sanders' major issues.
We found
that on almost every item, the Sanders' view had not only majority
public support but usually overwhelming support, often even drawing
majority support from Republicans.
These progressive issues are what people want, that thing that's supposed to matter in a democracy. They're winners; the numbers are very clear on that point. The biggest reason every Democratic pol hasn't embraced them long ago is all the money poured into the process by the oligarchs, who are opposed to them and who buy the pols to game the system in their own favor at everyone else's expense.
Sanders challenged the oligarchs' right to rule over our politics in this manner and as a part of that, challenged Clinton on her close association with those oligarchs, particularly Wall Street. Clinton talked about getting tough on Wall Street on the campaign trail, particularly when she was trying to sound more like Sanders, but this is
what was going on at the same time:
"Even as Hillary Clinton has stepped up her rhetorical assault on Wall
Street, her campaign and allied super PACs have continued to rake in
millions from the financial sector, a sign of her deep and lasting
relationships with banking and investment titans.
"Through the end
of December, donors at hedge funds, banks, insurance companies and
other financial services firms had given at least $21.4 million to
support Clinton’s 2016 presidential run — more than 10 percent of the
$157.8 million contributed to back her bid, according to an analysis of
Federal Election Commission filings by The Washington Post.
"The
contributions helped Clinton reach a fundraising milestone: By the end
of 2015, she had brought in more money from the financial sector during
her four federal campaigns than her husband did during his
quarter-century political career.
"In all, donors from Wall
Street and other financial services firms have given $44.1 million to
support Hillary Clinton’s campaigns and allied super PACs"
Really sounds like someone preparing to get tough on critical Wall Street oversight, eh? And we're apparently also to believe these financial firms donate that kind of money because they see it as a patriotic duty. Or something. And the fact that they always seem to get their way when it comes to government policy, well, that's probably just a coincidence. When Clinton insists she'd never "changed a position or a vote because of a financial contribution," she's intentionally framing the issue in an absurdly narrow way. During the campaign, she took this even further and repeatedly suggested
no one in government ever voted a certain way because of contributions, which is not only laughably false but undermines the
entire case for campaign finance reform, a reform effort she claims, out of the other side of her mouth, to support. Clinton's narrow frame, it's also worth noting, isn't one Sanders ever advanced. Sanders made it very clear, whenever he would address this matter, that his critique wasn't about Hillary Clinton being owned by Big Money interests; it was about the entire government being dominated by such interests. If a congressman sits on a banking committee charged with oversight of banks, he gets huge contributions from banking. If he sits on one of the committees charged with regulating healthcare, he gets big donations from the healthcare industry. Those on the armed services committees are generously financed by the defense industry. The major interests give to both sides to cover their bets. That's how the system works and the problem with that is self-evident. If Clinton wasn't doing what those Wall Street firms wanted, they wouldn't be pouring all that money into her.
In that last equation, replace her name with that of nearly any elected official in government and for the donor, fill in whatever powerful interest one likes and therein lies the problem, a political system that has been hijacked by billionaires and special interests who spend whatever it takes to drown out the voices of ordinary Americans, one where big money has an outsized influence that has discouraged everyday Americans from participating in the political
process, where hundreds of millions of dollars in corporate and special interest money buy elections and distort democracy, where government works for the wealthy and well-connected, not the people. And if all of that sounds familiar, it's all
paraphrased or directly quoted from Hillary Clinton herself, on those occasions when she wasn't running around pretending as if those same concerns were illegitimate and just a personal smear against her and trying to undermine the entire premise of the campaign finance reform she had so long pretended to support.[9]
To note the obvious, there's no way to square Clinton's demagoguery regarding Sanders impugning her character with the
years she's spent parroting this rhetoric, and the only way criticizing her own record during a primary campaign is somehow, as she insists, inappropriate is if one works from the premise that she was entitled to the nomination. As for her image, the public perception of the undue influence of money in politics and the general antipathy toward that influence
has been well-established by pollsters; if Clinton was genuinely concerned about how she would be perceived, she wouldn't have spent so much of her life so enthusiastically participating in that system--something Sanders' crowd-funded campaign proved pols didn't have to do--or trying to undermine the effort to reform it.
Sanders' "attacks," Clinton now whines, "caused lasting damage, making it harder to unify progressives in
the general election and paving the way for Trump's 'Crooked Hillary'
campaign." Presumably,
Clinton's compulsive lying, her extolling to her Wall Street cronies the merits of being a two-faced phony[10] and her conspiring with the Democratic National Committee
to tilt the primary/caucus season in her favor while aggressively prostituting her potential future administration to every Big Money interest willing to drop a few hundred-thou in her collection-plate played no role in creating the "Crooked Hillary" campaign. Because Hillary is never responsible for
anything. During the primary season, Clinton treated progressive proposals which were and are
incredibly popular among the Democratic base, the same as she does in these excerpts, as "magic abs." Unicorns and rainbows--naive and impossible. At one point, Rachel Maddow asked her what
she'd be willing to grant the progressives to get their support and
her answer
was that she wouldn't give them anything. Instead, she went on a rant about how
"I am winning!", going on about the extent to which she was winning,
attacked Sanders and talked about how her views on issues were so much
better than his and that's why she was winning and looked utterly
disgusted that anyone would even suggest she needed to do anything to
earn the votes of progressives--her entitlement mentality in all its
ugly glory. While she
and her surrogates were making a mantra of their talk about the need for
unity, she chose Tim Kaine as her running mate over the
furious
objections of progressives. When Dirty Debbie Wasserman-Schultz was
forced to resign over the Wikileaks confirmation of DNC efforts to tilt the primaries, Clinton immediately
hired her into the campaign. Clinton’s general-election strategy
was geared toward courting Republicans,
spending her time
in red states that would never vote for her,
running ads aimed at attracting Republicans and
touting endorsements of her campaign by a
seemingly endless menagerie of
rightist figures, even a
war-criminal like John Negroponte.[11] Chuck Schumer
openly asserted
Democrats would be able to pick up Republicans to replace every
Democratic vote they lost. Clinton burned every bridge she crossed but in the twisted narrative she offers now, it was Sanders, not her own
aggressive efforts to alienate progressives at every turn, that made it
"harder to unify" the party.
On that complaint, one can add to the list of those
Clinton blames the voters who weren't smart enough to realize she was
entitled to their votes.
I've written a lot about the ugly sense of entitlement
that emanates
from Clinton and her cult, and that entitlement is the beating
heart of Clinton's attack on Sanders in these book excerpts. It's an
attack we've often heard from her cult since the primary season itself, the
notion
that Sanders' entire campaign was illegitimate, a fraud, nothing more than a scam launched
and carried out with ignoble motives that succeeded only in causing a
lot of damage for no good reason. In her telling, Sanders wasn't
honorably representing the views of a legitimate constituency. Instead,
she insists she and Sanders had few real policy differences and he
was just following her around like some malevolent imp peddling those
bigger-and-louder "magic abs" copies of her own proposals and helping
Republicans win. "[H]e isn’t a Democrat," she writes, offering up a tired, terminally out-of-touch line she's had her followers spewing for two years. "He didn't get into the race to make sure a Democrat won the White
House, he got in to disrupt the Democratic Party." To a woman who begins
with the premise that she was entitled to the presidency, how could it
be otherwise?[12]
That's the subtext of everything in these recent excerpts: "How dare someone stand in the way of my coronation?" With Clinton, it's
all about Clinton,
always. This time, that
could be her undoing. Some Democrats
have fretted in recent days that the divisiveness of the text will only serve to reopen old wounds and to the extent that it has any influence, that's certainly true. In fact, it already has, as massive battles over the excerpts have broken out across social media. But consider this: Clinton has packaged for public consumption a divisive text, something that can do harm to her party[13] and to her professed causes--well, the causes she professes on
some days--and is a gift to the Trumpanzee right, and it's all entirely self-serving; every significant assertion in these excerpts is either a direct lie or
is such a complete misrepresentation that there isn't any point in
making any distinction between it and a lie. It's a petty wrecking-ball that exists for no other purpose than to serve Clinton's narcissism. One can confidently predict it will
completely destroy whatever positive place in history she may still have had prior to it; posterity never cherishes this kind of garbage. In the here-and-now, maybe it will just feed her cult and sow further division but maybe--just maybe--it will prove to be the camel-crippling straw that finally undoes her in the eyes of those more rational souls who have continued to want to extend to her a modicum of respect, finally showing them the truth about this malignant creature and beginning the process of letting the name "Clinton" pass into its proper place in history as the future answer to a trivia question no one remembers.
--j.
---
[1] Perhaps the best indicator is an extreme dislike of Bernie Sanders; polls show about 3% of Democrats have a strongly unfavorable view of the senator.
[2] Trump had, within weeks of his election, already
started holding what were billed as 2020 campaign rallies, opportunities
to hear his followers scream his name and cheer him on, and he's
devoted significant portions of every one of these events to both
rehashing the dubious glories of his 2016 victory and to extended bouts
of beta-male whining about the press, Democrats, anyone not cheering him
on and how mean and unfair they all are to poor widdle him. This
reached its latest crescendo of comicalness a few days ago when, at one
of his rallies in Arizona, Trump opted to relitigate the outraged
reaction to his disgraceful response to the recent events in
Charlottesville, Virginia. White nationalists, Nazis, fascists had
organized a rally in Charlottesville to protest the removal from public
grounds of a statue of Robert E. Lee and one of the fascists had driven a
car into a crowd of anti-fascist counter-demonstrators, murdering one
and injuring many. Trump's initial response was to condemn both sides,
as if there
were two sides to such a thing. The furious reaction
this provoked led Trump to eventually make a second statement in which,
reading from a teleprompter remarks prepared for him, he finally
condemned the fascists, but being made to speak ill of
that portion of his fan-club was apparently more than he could stand; twenty-four hours
later, he was walking it back and doubling down on his earlier comments,
insisting that "very fine people" were marching with those fascists,
ranting and raving about alleged violence from the "alt-left" and even
repeating the fascists' rhetoric about "changing culture" re:the matter
of the statue. At his Arizona rally a week later, Trump, as is his
custom, decided to to whine about the furor his behavior caused. He
complained about "truly dishonest people in the media and the fake
media, they make up stories... I'm really doing this to show you how
damned dishonest these people are." And then he recounted at great
length his statements on the matter. But while he brought the
proceedings to a complete standstill for an extended period in order to
read them aloud, he carefully left out
all of the comments that
had caused the uproar in the first place. The parallel to Clinton's book is, well...
[3] The list of people and things Clinton has blamed for her loss has become
quite lengthy; as a drinking game, it long ago hit deadly alcohol poisoning levels.
[4] In one of the leaked Democratic emails, a DNC official contemplated putting out the (false) story that Sanders is an atheist. This, at least, was one line that was never crossed.
[5] It's particularly odious that Lewis made those comments when he and several other black legislators had come out to support Clinton on the eve of the Democratic primary in South Carolina, a state with a large black population and that was then being looked at as a test of how Clinton was able to hold together that portion of the Obama coalition.
[6] When Benenson made these particular remarks, Sanders was seeking further debates with the elusive
Clinton, who was dragging her feet on agreeing to them, as usual, and I suppose one could interpret this nonsense as merely making a hostage of
further debates and trying to use it to blackmail Sanders into shutting up.
[7] The Clintonites have been doing the same thing with the charge of "racist" lately, using it against the progressive left--the one committed anti-racist political faction.
[8] In "Shattered: Inside Hillary Clinton's Doomed Campaign," Jonathan Allen and Amie Parnes document the difficulty Clinton's team had in coming up with a way to sell a presidential bid that was based only on Clinton's desire to be president. "Hillary didn't have a vision to articulate," they write, "and no one else could
give one to her." During a conference with her speechwriting team, "her
marching orders were to find a slogan and a message. The absence of any
talk about her actual vision for the country or the reasons voters
should choose her stunned some of the participants. 'There was never any
question, and no adviser prompted discussion of, "why you, why now?"
one of them recalled." Allen and Parnes write of "a root problem that confounded everyone on the campaign and outside it. Hillary had been running for president for almost a decade and still didn't really have a rationale." The authors quote one of Clinton's top aides: "'I would have had a reason for running or I wouldn't have run.'"
[9] And Clinton is still full of shit on this matter: earlier this year, even as she announced she was writing the upcoming book, the one in which she repeats her demagoguery about Sanders impugning her integrity, she also
announced she was founding a new dark-money group to pump into the system even more secret, unaccountable money from powerful interests looking to hijack the democracy--just about the last thing in the world American politics needs.
[10] Shortly before she was officially a presidential candidate, Clinton had accepted six-figure speaking fees for speeches she'd given to Wall Street bigwigs. Sanders made an issue of it in the campaign and demanded she release the transcripts of those speeches. She stalled, tried to talk her way around the matter at every turn and refused to release them. Partial transcripts of them finally came to light after the primary season as part of the hacked Democratic emails released by Wikileaks. They were
full of damaging information that probably would have sunk her primary campaign. Among them, she
explained politicians need "both a public and a private position" on contentious issues in order to be successful.
[11] Clinton
lobbied to get an endorsement by another right-wing war-criminal Henry Kissinger, who had,
to her delight, endorsed her in the Democratic primaries, but he declined to endorse anyone in the general.
[12] When he lost, Sanders endorsed her and even after all her shitty behavior and that of the DNC in league with her, he
campaigned hard for her. She offers token gratitude to him for that ("I appreciate that he campaigned for me in the general election. But...") but this is how she actually thanks him.
[13] In the last, she gives us a direct mirror of what Trump and so much of the right tried to do
to Obama via the birther "issue"; she presents the Democratic party as a
tribe, wraps herself in its flag and insists Sanders is something alien and destructive to it:
"I appreciate that he campaigned for me in the general election. But he isn't a Democrat--that's not a smear, that's what he
says. He didn't get into the race to make sure a Democrat won the White
House, he got in to disrupt the Democratic Party... I think he was fundamentally wrong about the
Democratic Party--the party that brought us Social Security under
Roosevelt; Medicare and Medicaid under Johnson; peace between Israel and
Egypt under Carter; broad-based prosperity and a balanced budget under
Clinton; and rescued the auto industry, passed health care reform, and
imposed tough new rules on Wall Street under Obama. I am proud to be a
Democrat and I wish Bernie were, too."
In the real world, polls throughout this year have shown that Sanders enjoys around 80% support from Democrats. In order to alienize Sanders, Clintonites
constantly harp on this idea that Sanders "isn't a Democrat," which is so entirely out of touch with the political reality it's comical; at
present, about 40% of Democrats--defined as those who always vote Democratic--
identify themselves as independents.
Clinton's efforts to place herself in the Finest Tradition of the Democratic party and Sanders outside it is, likewise, ludicrous. Sanders is a neo-New Dealer, a man of big, ambitious progressive ideas and ideals who comes straight out of the FDR, Fair Deal, New Frontier, Great Society Democratic tradition. The Clintons built their entire political empire on positioning themselves as a repudiation of that entire tradition.